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@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 21, 2026, 11:02 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: How does republican theory reimagine economic freedom? Sean Irving explores John Francis Bray’s economic republicanism and its implications for markets and justice. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/a4aGPuz

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract In recent years political theorists have applied republican ideas to considerations of economic freedom. The development of a distinct socialist republicanism has been one strand of this literature, while another has claimed the centrality of a free market to freedom understood in republican terms. Revisiting the work of John Francis Bray (1809–1897) can point us beyond these binaries. Bray applied republican ideas, developed in the register of constitutionalism, to issues of exchange and production. He did not, however, do so in the name of the free market or of socialism. Rather, his concern was to create a system of popular economic self-government. Doing so, Bray believed, would involve a combination of markets and economic democracy, involving worker cooperatives and indicative economic planning. In Bray’s work, we find an economic republicanism which, out of a concern to establish popular economic self-government, combined elements of what have become two distinct camps.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 20, 2026, 5:01 PM

How much more complicated does government formation get when one more party enters parliament? Chris Hanretty (@chanret.bsky.social) finds identifiability declines as parties increase, with no "sweet spots". Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/EPcxz0X

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #PartySystems

"Abstract Government identifiability – the degree to which the party composition of the eventual government can be predicted given the election results – is a desirable characteristic of a political system. But the measurement of identifiability has remained impressionistic, limiting our ability to speak precisely about trade-offs between identifiability and other characteristics of the political system. I show that a recent measure of bargaining complexity by Cronert and Nyman acts as a ratio-level measure of government identifiability measured in bits – or equivalently, the number of yes/no questions needed to identify the composition of the government. I then show how identifiability is linearly related to the number of seat-winning parties in three different contexts: parliamentary governments, presidential cabinets, and municipal governments. Across all three contexts, an additional seat-winning party increases entropy of government formation by between 0.7 and 0.8 bits. Since identifiability is linearly related to the number of parties, any increase in the number of parties through electoral reform will worsen identifiability by the same amount. Conversely, there are no “sweet spots” where we can achieve high levels of identifiability at low cost in terms of the number of parties."
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 20, 2026, 11:01 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: Polarized attitudes and anti-democratic orientation in the US - Ariel Malka, Christopher M Federico, Thomas H Costello & Adam R Panish examine paradoxical partisan asymmetries in current democratic attitudes. Read more: buff.ly/dVEZQr8

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsci #polsky

Abstract Influential perspectives on polarization in the United States imply that partisans will be more willing to degrade democracy when they are ideologically aligned with their own party and negatively oriented toward the opposing party. But psychological accounts of political ideology suggest that conservatives will be especially anti-democratic regardless of partisanship. Integrating insights from these areas, we argue that there are reasons to expect paradoxical partisan asymmetries in the ideological correlates of democratic attitudes. Across numerous surveys we find that cultural conservatism and out-party favorability are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Democrats (but not Republicans), while left-leaning economic attitudes are reliably associated with anti-democratic orientation among Republicans (but not Democrats). These findings provide context for understanding how polarization might impact American democracy. They also suggest that increased centrality of sociocultural conflict and Republican cultivation of a right-wing populist reputation might sort anti-democratic Americans into the Republican Party.
@lobazok.bsky.socialSep 19, 2026, 9:11 PM

Mi lectura actual, La revolución de Gustav Landauer, es interesante; concuerdo mucho con la postura de Landauer en casi todo, con excepción de la tecnología.
#booksky #amreading #polsky #anarchism

La revolución - Gustav Landauer.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 19, 2026, 5:01 PM

Does ideological congruence or perceived competence matter more for vote choice? @dieterstiers.bsky.social & @annkristinkolln.bsky.social argue both matter, but valence consistently outweighs spatial considerations. Read more: buff.ly/J3cy21u

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract Rational choice theories offer one of the major explanations for citizens’ voting behavior. The most prominent models within the rational choice framework – spatial and valence voting – share the same roots but differ in central aspects, emphasizing ideological congruence and competence evaluations, respectively. In this note, we provide a direct test of the models’ relative strength. Does a party’s issue congruence with a voter (spatial) or its effectiveness in handling important issues (valence) have a larger effect on vote choice? Our results from lab-like conditions using a novel conjoint experiment show strong evidence for both models, but valence evaluations consistently trump spatial considerations. These results have important implications for research on electoral behavior, party politics, and democratic representation.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 19, 2026, 11:01 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: How do populist citizens understand democracy? Patricia Rehus & @steven-vanhauwaert.bsky.social find they tend to support direct democracy & are less supportive of liberal principles. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/XhXgcjl

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract Populist leaders often describe democracy as being in conflict with liberal values and endorse more direct democratic measures for people to influence politics. But what about populist citizens? How do they define democracy and what aspects of democracy do they value most? Using a cross-national survey of 10 West European countries, we first explore how citizens understand democracy in general and then test the assumption that populist citizens share a different understanding of democracy to both populist elites and less-populist individuals. Our findings show that citizens’ conceptions of democracy do not exactly match scholarly models, but are still clearly structured. We also find that populist citizens tend to support direct democracy and are less supportive of liberal principles, primarily because they are less likely to support the protection of minorities. They remain, however, equally supportive of other institutions of electoral and liberal democracy. Similarly, our results show that populist individuals are not especially more or less supportive of egalitarian and authoritarian understandings of democracy. That said, they are more comfortable with the idea of having strong leaders than their less populist counterparts. These results have important implications for democratic resilience. Policy-makers aiming to strengthen liberal democracy must address citizens’ concerns about representation without compromising core democratic safeguards. Understanding these tensions can help guide more inclusive democratic reforms and better communication between political institutions and the public.
@feministory.bsky.socialSep 18, 2026, 3:15 PM

9/18/1889 — b. Doris Blackburn, Australian #gov official, social reformer, pacifist, #civilrights activist. Member of Parliament, Australian House of Representatives (1946-49); president of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (1928-30) #womenshistory #PolSky #pacifists #reformers

Doris Blackburn | c. 1940s
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 18, 2026, 11:01 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: Politicized pejoration - @erikbleich.bsky.social, Husam AlZubaidy, Andrey Cao, Abigail Chang, Nikki Sadat, Abby Ward & A Maurits van der Veen develop the concept through a case study of the term “woke” in the US. Read more: buff.ly/lqoCtN7

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract Politicized semantic change occurs when ideological actors strategically alter the meaning of existing terms to undermine opponents and to strengthen allies. We develop the concept of politicized pejoration through a case study of the term “woke” in the United States. This word originated in the US Black community as an encouragement to stay aware of social and racial injustices; it was subsequently transformed by the political right to indicate what it perceived as the left’s hypersensitivity and oppressive tendencies. We illustrate the process of pejoration by tracking usage of “woke” in mainstream media outlets, on Twitter and in Google searches from 2010 through 2022, combining quantitative text-as-data analyses with qualitative readings of media stories. Conceptualizing politicized pejoration as a form of politicized semantic change extends scholarly and public understanding of the politics of language.
@feministory.bsky.socialSep 17, 2026, 2:46 PM

9/17/1872 — b. Cora Frances Stoddard, American temperance reformer, author, lecturer. Key authority on the scientific aspects of #alcohol; leader, Scientific Temperance Federation (30yrs); #gov rep for both US & intl congresses on #publichealth + alcohol #womenshistory #womenwriters #HistSci #PolSky

Cora Frances Stoddard
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 17, 2026, 11:02 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: How do non-party actors view far-right parties in Australia? @imogenrichards.bsky.social, Callum Jones, Jordan McSwiney & @kurtsengul.bsky.social explore perceptions & relationships within the far-right ecosystem beyond formal politics.Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/uxTW0e3

#polsky #polsci

Abstract Far-right political parties form an integral component of the broader far-right landscape globally. While these parties have received extensive scholarly attention, less is known about how they are perceived within the wider far-right milieu – a relationship with significant implications for understanding movement-party dynamics in contemporary democracies. This article investigates the relationship between far-right political parties and the non-party sector through a mixed-methods approach, combining keyword frequency analysis, sentiment analysis, and qualitative content analysis. Drawing on large-scale data sets from Telegram, X (formerly Twitter), 8kun, and far-right alternative media outlets in Australia, we explore two key research questions: How does the non-party sector perceive far-right parties and politicians? And what role do these parties play within the broader far-right ecosystem? Our findings reveal a complex and often contradictory relationship, with non-party actors expressing views that reflect deeper ideological, organisational, and strategic divisions within far-right movements. These patterns of conditional support, strategic adaptation, and ideological tension offer insights applicable beyond Australia, contributing to theoretical understanding of how extra-parliamentary actors evaluate electoral politics across democratic settings.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 16, 2026, 5:02 PM

Greenwashing doesn't just mislead consumers. It corrupts democratic rhetoric, letting corporations pose as agents of political change. Our everyday language helps make that possible. Corrado Fumagalli argues we have a duty to counter-frame in ordinary conversations: buff.ly/JNSnFiW

#polsky #polsci

"Abstract Normative research on greenwashing has largely focused on the environmental and economic consequences of false or misleading green claims. This article introduces a new perspective that sheds light on its democratic costs. First, I argue that by interfering with the transmission of a public political culture through deceptive claims, greenwashing constitutes a particularly problematic form of corporate capture of democratic rhetoric. I further contend that greenwashing should also be examined against ordinary patterns of language use, given their capacity to shape the range of communicative possibilities available. At the normative level, I then defend a duty to counter-frame: a duty of ordinary citizens to play their part in avoiding reinforcing the communicative conditions that facilitate corporate capture of public rhetoric. This duty aims to initiate processes of reciprocal reason-giving about responsible language use within everyday conversations."
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 16, 2026, 11:02 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: How does internal migration affect political life in autocracies? Yuequan Guo & Jiannan Zhao examine how returning migrants in China show higher political efficacy & shifted forms of participation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/6pRihmv

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract How is internal migration related to political efficacy and participation in autocracies? Existing research emphasizes migration’s socioeconomic impact, given the staggering internal migration volume in developing countries, but pays inadequate attention to its relationship with politics. We argue that migrants are more likely to interact with the government and possess greater political efficacy than non-migrants. When migrants return home, they are motivated by higher political efficacy to participate more in politics than non-migrants. We test the theory using four nationally representative surveys in China from 2006 to 2014 and find that returning migrants are more confident in understanding and influencing politics. However, they vote less in elections and avoid challenging the government collectively. Exploratory analysis shows that the counterintuitive results arise because returning migrants shift from traditional political participation, like voting, to new means, like lodging complaints online. The relationship between migration and politics is contingent on the authoritarian context.
@bonfire25.bsky.socialSep 15, 2026, 6:03 PM

Listening to our former brilliant, articulate Sec't of State Anthony Blinken on Bloomberg with Joe Mathews, is so utterly, totally, overwhelmingly... depressing.😞

#PolSky #EconSky

@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 15, 2026, 5:02 PM

Should EU migrants receive equal welfare treatment? Pietro Intropi examines reciprocity in EU law, arguing rights and contributive duties vary by migrants’ contributions and the justice of the host state. Read more: buff.ly/O7Foc1b

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract Should all European Union (EU) citizens enjoy the same welfare benefits as nationals when they migrate within Europe? Which categories of EU migrants (workers, job-seekers and non-economically active ones) should be entitled to full equal treatment? I discuss reciprocity as a moral basis of EU law, extending White’s account of fair reciprocity to the supranational context of the EU. I suggest that the concept of workers in EU law should be reformed to account for a plurality of valuable contributions. I also discuss the implications of reciprocity in non-ideal conditions, arguing that EU migrants have a reduced contributive obligation when they face injustice in the host member state. The seriousness of such injustice may even imply lifting the contributive obligation entirely. The contributive obligation of non-economically active individuals is a duty to seek work, and I suggest it entitles them to limited equal treatment."
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 15, 2026, 11:01 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: Does polarization increase violence toward political candidates? Morten Harmening & @donyhu.bsky.social examine how ideological divides fuel aggression in democratic elections. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/hoXcA8B

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci #germany

Abstract Political violence is on the rise in Western democracies. The increase in violence against political actors is alarming because it clashes with fundamental democratic values. Political violence is also concerning because it does not affect all politicians equally. Existing research has primarily focused on the demographic characteristics of targeted politicians, while largely overlooking ideological factors. Using candidate survey data from the 2021 German federal election, we show that the polarization of electoral districts, as well as party and candidate extremeness increase the likelihood that politicians report being victimized. This is the case both for physical attacks and property damage.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 14, 2026, 5:02 PM

Why do senators respond differently to China trade shocks? @weitianliu.bsky.social finds Democrats became critical as import exposure rose, while Republicans responded less. Read more: buff.ly/khjZ0Tu

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

"Abstract Trade among major powers is never purely economic; it is also a site of political conflict over blame, threat, and national interest. Why, then, do legislators facing similar trade shocks respond in such different ways? Focusing on US Senate rhetoric on trade with China between 2009 and 2023, this paper examines how partisanship conditions the translation of economic disruption into elite political speech. Drawing on sentiment analysis of Senate floor speeches and state-level measures of Chinese import exposure across two periods, it develops a partisan-conditioning argument: trade disruption acquires political meaning as parties interpret it. Democratic senators grew markedly more critical as local import exposure increased, especially under the earlier China Shock window. Republicans showed a much flatter response to early-period exposure and even a slightly positive association with later-period penetration. The China Shock left a durable mark on Senate discourse, but one structured by party, not geography alone."
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 14, 2026, 11:01 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: Should political parties pick their parliamentary candidates by lottery among members? William Bosworth, Keith Dowding & Adriano Giuliani examine sortition within parties as a guard against elite capture while preserving deliberation. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/YcMEp7o

#polsky #polsci

Abstract We argue political parties should select their parliamentary candidates by way of a lottery among their members. Alternatives such as party primaries, caucus votes, and elite selection create entry points for elite manipulation of the electoral process. While sortition for selecting parliaments directly has been said to control for elite capture, it is also likely to dissolve political parties and established voting blocs within parliament. This would undermine the democratic ideal of political parties, including their role in producing and implementing comprehensible legislative agendas. Sortition within parties, however, will not have that effect. Rather it promotes the democratic ideal by guarding against elite capture and stimulating internal deliberation in a feasible way. Voting will still weed out poor candidates in the general election. Party members should also be able to vote to retain successful lottery winners for subsequent elections to incentivize good performance and party discipline in parliament. We discuss the limited use of insaculación by the Mexican political party Morena as provisional evidence for the feasibility of our proposal.
@enactivistagent.bsky.socialSep 14, 2026, 4:50 AM

Maria Ressa (Nobel Peace Prize 2021) breaks down the collapse of democracy into three steps:

“First, an administration wages narrative warfare by using governance as a content engine, deliberately fueling conflict to break down a fact-based reality;

#polsky
#auspol

@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 13, 2026, 11:00 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: In what senses might body counts be, paradoxically, both humanizing and dehumanizing? @moyalloyd.bsky.social explores the role that orders of grievability play in determining whose lives are counted & how. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/xwx8g2w

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract This paper is concerned with a conundrum: the contention that the dead are dehumanized both through body counts and their absence. To understand this paradox we need to excavate who normatively speaking has a life that counts. I advance the idea of countability as a novel explanatory concept to name the general conditions of possibility, including the ordering of grievability, that underpins acts of counting. Among other things, orders of grievability regulate who enjoys ontological status as fully human. To be eligible for counting an embodied being must first be countable. Furthermore, body counts are performative. They have onto-political effects, organizing and facilitating, reflecting and reiterating, the differential valuation of human lives as well as the distribution of ontological possibilities. The failure or refusal to count has parallel onto-political effects. (De)humanization, however, is not just an issue of whether deaths are counted but, as shown here, how they are counted.
@polstudies.bsky.socialSep 12, 2026, 11:00 AM

IN NEW ISSUE: Is it rational to expect to win elections? @mbarnfield.bsky.social argues so-called "wishful thinking" about election outcomes is part of how voters make rational sense of their role in democracies. Read OPEN ACCESS: buff.ly/FGqoGEO

@polstudiesassoc.bsky.social #polsky #polsci

Abstract It is well established in political science that those who favour an election outcome tend to say it has a higher chance of success than those who oppose it. This tendency towards so-called ‘wishful thinking’ is often treated as a problem for democracy because it shows that voters are, as the term suggests, irrational. In this article, I make the case that partisan electoral expectations are significant not because they demonstrate widespread irrationality, but because they show how voters make sense of their role in democracies. I provide an alternative account of partisan electoral expectations as following a principle of electoral hope. On this account, partisan electoral expectations are rational in a practical, if not necessarily theoretical, sense.
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